foucault society must be defended summary

Ultimately, what you do with them both concerns me and is none of my business. Three key concepts structure the central argument of Society Must Be Defended: (1) race war; (2) biopolitics; and (3) modern racism. Foucault shows how this happened in large part through the conceptualized development of relationships of force within society between and among different groups. In the classical theory of sovereignty, the right of life and death was one of sovereignty’s basic attributes. The making of this internal subrace works through the early stirrings of nationalism. He begins to trace a discourse that perceived the creation of law and order via war; but post-war does not mean the dawn of peace in this discourse, but rather the continuation of war by other means (politics, relations of force). “How are these subjects formed?” is what Fouault sees as the first question that needs to be asked. Foucault believes that “sovereignty itself has been undermined” (ibid.). Michel Foucault: Society Must be Defended, Chapter Two. He gives a summation of his approach to power: “Our object is, on the contrary, to understand power by looking at its extremities, at its outer limits at the point where it becomes capillary; in other words, to understand power in its most regional forms and institutions and especially at the points where this power transgresses the rules of right that organize and delineate it, oversteps those rules and is invested in institutions, is embodied in techniques and acquires the material means to intervene, sometimes in violent ways” (27-28; 29 also has important comments on how he views power). It is in these lectures and La Volonté de savoir that Foucault famously compared sovereign power to biopolitics through the lens of those two now-famous epigraphs, respectively, « faire mourir ou laisser vivre » (to cause death or let live) and « faire vivre et laisser mourir » (to make live and to let die). With us to reread and discuss these 1976 lectures, we are delighted to welcome Ann Stoler, Partha Chatterjee, and Robert Gooding-Williams. He quotes Marx and Engels: “You know very well where we found our idea of class struggle; we found it in the work of French historians who talked about the race struggle” (79). She ties Foucault to Georgio Agamben in that both “claim that we live in a society in which the power of the law has subsided” (38). Discipline and the regulatory worked in modulated tandem, and then you have the norm, traversing both the body and the population, the disciplinary and the regulatory. Comprehensive Exam List, Neoliberal Horror Film List, american psycho, biopower, death, foucault, human capital, life, nazism, necropolitics, neoliberalism biopolitics, patrick bateman, racism, seduction, trump. Racism of course works in population as the production of categories that serve as the conditions of possibility for particular tactics and technologies of biopolitics. Foucault hints that this emergence of “population” as a political problem is directly tied to the growth of capitalism: “It is as though power, which used to have sovereignty as its modality or organizing schema, found itself unable to govern the economic and political body of society that was undergoing both a demographic explosion and industrialization” (249). This is all driving his notion that if we are to “make a concrete analysis of power relations, we must abandon the juridical model of sovereignty. The articulation of these two technologies of power is what Foucault calls the normalizing society. (p. 75) Politics becomes understood, during this period, as tribal clash. 0 comments. Your e-mail address will not be published. “The manufacture of subjects rather than the genesis of the sovereign: that is our general theme” (46). The greater the capacities of the state, the stronger the nation will be (223). That model in effect presupposes that the individual is a subject with natural rights or primitive powers; it sets itself the task of accounting for the ideal genesis of the state; and finally, it makes the law the basic manifestation of power” (265). This lecture is about how racism became state racism: basically, racism was the only way that a biopolitical state could justify wielding the murderous right of sovereignty. The right of sovereignty was the right of the sword: the right to take life or let live. Foucault terms this biopolitics, which “derive(s) its knowledge from, and define its power’s field of intervention in terms of, the birth rate, the mortality rate, various biological disabilities, and the effects of the environment… Biopolitics deals with the population, with the population as political problem, as a problem that is at once scientific and political, as a biological problem and as power’s problem” (245). He asks, “can we find in bellicose relations, in the model of war, in the schema of struggle or struggles, a principle that can help us understand and analyze political power, to interpret political power in terms of war, struggles and …

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